Personal Identity

The symbolic distinction in the use of space during the anti-nuclear protests plays to deepen and clarify the initial target audience of the whole operation. The protesters understand the frivolity of appealing to those in the seats of the Diet: they have experienced years and years of protests coming up fruitless. Reading the actions and organization of the anti-nuke protests, one might conclude that the departure from the style of SEALDs and ANPO is an attempt to capture a wholly different group of supporters than those of the past. The emphasis here is on the experience of the natural observer, not the politically weighted Senator. In lieu of this, it is simple to understand why the protests have been laid out in such a way: both in terms of spatial and organizational reasoning.

For one, the splitting of the protest into two distinct locales begins to elucidate itself. Normally, protests emphasis the size of its gathering as the metric of influence. Large protests in history have often included the occupational power of many bodies. Indeed, SEALDs took this approach in the same relative space as the modern anti-nuke movement, as photos of the protests see the very same streets we researched absolutely flooded with Japanese youth culture. These photos mirror something more Westernized in protest culture, some thing upon which Dr. Edeltraud Roller– Professor of Political Science at
Johannes Gutenberg-University — sums up in Contexts of political protest in Western democracies: Political organization and modernity: the deemphasis on the personal and the focusing on the overall society as the source of discontent. Roller claims that, “[p]olitical entrepreneurs and organizations are needed to define discontent and transform it into political action”. (Roller, 10). The insinuation of this statement is one that describes the majority of what the public image of a protest is: dominated and most influenced by the weight of body counts and political sway within attendants. In this style, the faces of each participant are held with less overall weight than that of the whole. This can be interpreted as a form of protest collectivism.

SEALDs protest as an event

Contrary to what one may expect, Kasumigaseki is inhabited by a protesting style more akin to the western ideals of personal individualism, securely setting up the movement as a cultural anomaly in modern Tokyo. This is not explicitly understood by an external view alone but is indicated and further reinforced by the way in which the anti-nuclear group structures itself spatially in Kasumigaseki. The splitting of the protests into two distinct locales acts as a way to elongate and intensify the personal connection between the protesters and the average passing citizen. A chant that at first seems homogenized becomes deeply personal as each set of eyes look at you in earnest during the one-sided exchange. The extravagance of a mob is traded for a one-to-one connection that you feel when walking through these protest spaces. The use of the space indicates a deep desire to ingrain the issue as something deeply relevant to each and every citizen, rather than those only associating with an organization or industry.

Cresswell’s theory and work on the relationship between space and place carries an interesting anecdote about this use of space. Cresswell’s most basic definition of the difference lies within place being seen as “a meaningful location” (Cresswell 10). The trouble the befalls the modern protesters is that the history of Kasumigaseki as a space of protest has already preceded it as a place of coalition and resistance. However, what SEALDs and ANPO have done in the past has left the streets branded as a mere gathering space. By deliberately separating and truncating the size of the protest, the anti-nuclear movement is attempting to give the space of Kasumigaseki a palpable identity as a place of understanding and personal conviction, rather than a mere space of political controversy. Whereas the SEALDs movement began and ended as an event–a time and setting in which something occurred–the modern iterations of gatherings relinquish their identity as an event or phenomenon, and instead seek to display their stance on the issue by the transformation of the culture in that space. Kasumigaseki has long been known as a setting in which countercultural protests have occasionally cropped up, and the history of protest in 1960’s Tokyo and beyond have largely permeated the public mindshare.

Transforming a spatial stigma from violence and mass exertion–
–to peaceful and inoffensive gathering is a long and arduous task

Kasumigaseki’s current form is a direct response to this and an attempt to create nuance in a space that has been branded as a performative stage. Instead of the thousands of bodies gathering in disruption, anti-nuclear sentiment is carried by individual. The location is slowly but surely being transformed from the mere space that was assigned it by history into a place of deep, personal struggle against a larger entity (in this case, the Japanese governing body). The space has been carefully respected so as not to create roadblocking or traffic jams for locals. There is no overt aggression in the expression of the act in the modern, as the organizers understand that the long-term shift of the space from one of malcontent to one of community is something that cannot be culturally displaced.

HT

Pathos In Organization

While there are two distinctive locations that house anti-nuke protesting in Kasumigaseki, the similarities are far more apparent than their differences, especially to an untrained eye. As Spradley so carefully lays out, traversing into these two spaces as a fresh ethnographer is to be as “a map-maker who sets foot on an uncharted island”, in that the meanings embedded within the cultural exchanges taking place will be wholly unknowable to the outsider (Spradley, 81). Taking this into consideration, it is important to become familiar with the space before any deeper analysis is involved. As such, the following page will be dedicated to the exterior and interior nature of the protests, and how each perspective serves to create an organized unit that works in tandem.

Overhead map of staffing organization within Kasumigaseki

This map allows us insight into the points of interest that the protest organizers keep in mind when planning the boundaries of space they will use during the protests. This map is based on our interview with Misao Redwolf, the key organizer of the anti-nuclear movement. The nodes, paths, and edges of Kasumigaseki in the minds of the organizers are demonstrated here to be more aligned by the types of people represented in each area, rather than the physical location of each landmark. This is somewhat opposed to the ideas that Lynch proposes in his This information hints at what later becomes more clear: the anti-nuclear movement is basing their organization off of the personnel in each space. In other words, they are shifting the feel of the space by placing personalities and acting roles into each space in order to dictate location roles. How they work these spaces using these personalities can be further understood by diving into the details of their organizational style.

Beginning with the protest located in front of the Prime Minister’s office, it is clear that a high level of orchestration comes before any of the actual protesting takes place. The protest takes place on the street corner opposite of the Prime Minister’s residence, so as to face the building itself. The structure and hierarchy of where protesters gather is rooted at this intersection and spreads ever thinner the further you walk down the sidewalks in either direction. At the center of the action is a small sector that has been roped off for the officials in charge of the protesting organizations to make announcements, give speeches, and usher in the beginning and ends of the demonstrations. This small encampment houses a small speaker system for a megaphone with which such tasks are carried out. Protest participants then line up single-file and extend down the street as far as the number of participants would allow. On average, this intersection would accrue around 70 participants each week that we attended, which translated into roughly a quarter of a block’s length of bodies on either side of the apex. Traffic cones and short stanchions are in place to clearly define where the protesting body begins and ends, and this in turn subconsciously informs any passing citizen of the officiality of the event.

View from the Prime Minister’s Residence side of the street

In practice, this means that an average passerby, assuming they would be walking along the protest route, would be walking past participants for approximately a minute before exiting the range of participation. The elongation of this experience is the first hint that, unlike the plethora of protesting styles seen across the world, the kind in this district is more societal in its focus than administrative. Walking down the streets occupied by these protesters don’t give the same impression that most gatherings do in Tokyo’s streets. A stark contrast to most, one’s gaze is met eye-to-eye by a majority of those in line along the streets. When a speech or announcement is absent, the crowds chant in unison, “再稼働反対。原発いらない。” (“We stand against the return to nuclear. No more power plants”). This phrase is echoed repeatedly. With each participant making eye contact with those walking by, it’s hard to shake the feeling that the appeal is not one of cold political protest, but one that carries an emotional pathos meant for a more intimate appeal. The layout and manner with which this space is organized lends itself to this notion and creates a compelling case for further understanding the intentions of the organization. After all, if this space–the central hub of political discourse in Tokyo–isn’t being used to attract the attention of politicians, then why is it necessary to be here to begin with? This inquiry is more layered than simply extracting publicity and can be further explained by examining the other site of the protest that happens concurrently with this one.

Faces line the street one-by-one

Only a few blocks away from the main space, another seemingly identical demonstration is held in front of the National Diet Building. Far enough to be out of earshot, yet close enough to be easily recognized as associated, the well-oiled nature of the organizers shows itself in the level of similarity that is present in this location. Following the same general rules of organization (organization leaders and influencers near the middle, with regular attendees sprawling down the sidewalk), this iteration looks nearly carbon-copied from the Prime Minister’s Residence setting. In terms of participation, the amount of attendants was only slightly higher than that of the first site; typically totaling around 80 people standing per week. However, it does manage to differentiate itself in some key ways. First off, the sidewalk at the epicenter of the activity spreads a bit wider, allowing for a denser and more compact gathering of participants rather than a single-file fashion. Here, the organizers are instead stationed opposite the crowd, with a small stage and a more robust speaker system aimed in the direction of the attendees, rather than the Diet Building itself. While passersby will still be ushered through this setting as with the section in front of the Prime Minister’s Residence, this setup more deeply insinuates a focus towards bombast and spectacle, rather than the personal appeal of the former. The stage often welcomes politicians from inside the Diet to speak and offer support, but more prominently features regular attendees or officials from the protest organization. In fact, the speakers upon the stage reiterate many times that “all are welcome” to stand upon the stage and speak out on the issue at hand. Though there are overt rules on what can and cannot be uttered on stage, this openness with regards to the spoken word brings a much more grounded, human feeling to the extravagance.

Street-side perspective of second site
Stage view of second site

All of this culminates to create the unmistakable impression of an event taking place, but unlike the event-based protests of the past, the anti-nuke movement situates the action in such a way that it becomes participatory for all parties. All that walk through are participants, whether they want to be or not, and this creates a feeling of inclusion and openness. Even strangers are inherently placed directly into the middle of the action, intentionally caught in between the mouthpieces and the every-man. Due to this, the weight of the protest is intended to be felt not by those who hold the power to legislate, but by those with the power to vote.

HT + SG

four small interviews

(1) Interview summary of two women from 日本軍慰安婦問題解決全国行動 (Japanese military’s comfort women’s problem solving nationwide movement) *no voice recording available 

General Info:

  • “Standing” every Friday from 12PM (only when the Diet is in a session) for 10 years (even before 3.11)
  • Usually they do it at the front of Shinjuku Odakyu every third Wednesday
  • They want people to learn about comfort women issues.

Why Kasumigaseki?

  • They want elementary school and junior high school students (who are there for their school field trip) to learn about the issues, because schools do not teach them about comfort women.
  • People who are at Kasumigaseki will mostly likely to be interested in social issues
  • Politicians will also walk pass by them, so they will notice that they are there.
They are doing it toward those students

Issues they face:

  • Their members are almost all women, and when there is no guys, some people attacks them (radical right wing people)
  • For example, while we were there, an old guy verbally attacked them saying they are illogical, because they are women.

(2) Interview Summary of a young male member of Metropolitan Coalition Against Nukes *no voice recording available

Does your company allow you to participate in a protest like this?

  • He said yes, but it is a very rare case in Japan. He explained “in japan, companies do not like their employees to participate in protests. However, my company supports it and the company actually sends people to the protest.”

Do you think this protest is toward the government or the ordinary people who pass by?

  • He said “personally, I believe this is more toward ordinary people. We want ordinary people, especially young people, to be aware of what is going on; therefore, we distributes stickers that are “catchy” designs. “
Stickers we received from them for free!

(3) Interview summary of Jacinta Hin, a member of Beautiful Energy, at the Friday Night Protest *no voice recording available

General Info:

  • Beautiful Energy participates every Friday Night Protest; however, they do not make noises or speak up. Instead, they decorate the sidewalk with candles, gather and communicate with people. They are using Kasumigaseki as more like a gathering place for themselves and not a place for them to speak up toward the Diet.
  • However, she is very close to the House of Rep Makoto Yamazaki from the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (he is a Sophia graduate). They work on the issues together and they even went to the United States together to learn about energy.
  • There were kids participating too (the only kids we saw at the protest).

(4) Interview summary of a woman, a member of  Adachi-ku Labor Peace Committee Preparation who was distributing her original flyers to people. *no voice recording available

  • She was there by herself distributing flyers covering different types of issues such as nuclear energy, constitutional revision, Okinawa US base issues, accepting foreign workers etc.

Why Kasumigaseki?

  • She said she came to Kasumigaseki, because she found out that other organizations are having a protest, so that she knew there will be a lot of people who she can give out flyers too ←Redwolf do not like this type of people

Do you consider yourself as an activist?

  • She said no. She said she is just a citizen. Seems like she did not want others to think she is an activist.

MU

Three men at the Friday Night Protest

Interview Summary of one retired man (A) brought his two friends (B&C) from college to the Friday Night Protest. We interviewed all three of them, but mainly A, who participates in the Friday Night Protest every week.  All of them participated in Anpo 70s.

(00:30~)  A’s Background

A was a part of Jis Emergency Action For Peace & Liberal Democracy-s. It is a group of people who give a speech at the front of Sophia University (Professor Koichi Nakano is a part of it).

(3:00~) Did the Friday Night Protest Changed over time?

A said the number of participants declined and not many media talks about them anymore. Only Tokyo Shinbun and Akahata Shinbun writes about them every week. He said one of the reasons why people stopped attending the protest is it is difficult to come to Kasumigaseki every week. For example, A takes more than an hour to get to Kasumigaseki and the transportation costs a lot.

(5:00~) Then Why Kasumigaseki?

A said people who decides everything is all working here (Kasumigaseki); therefore, there is a special meaning to it. He thinks Kasumigaskei has a symbolic meaning. He also said he believes their Friday Night Protest created a base for other protest groups such as SEALDs to protest in Kasumigaseki.

(6:30~) What Do You Think About SEALDs? Comparison between Anpo 70s Protestors and Current Protestors

A said “Well, first of all, we are Zenkyoto (“All-Campus Joint Struggle Councils”) generation, but were not violent like who were wearing plastic construction helmets and a gewalt stick.” He said media only showed the violent people, but there were a lot of non violent people like them. All the college students back then had some kind of opinions. If not, then they considered themselves as a group call “non policy.” Not having an opinion was also considered as an opinion. Therefore, every college students was a part of the social movement. And those people are now influenced by SEALDs and felt they need to be involved again in a social movement, so a lot of them came back to involve in a social movement. They think SEALDs are doing a great job, because they are not like “we are going to lead a revolution!” like back in the 70s, but instead, they are trying to change the Diet in a legal way. They are speaking up their opinions directly toward the Diet.

(15:50~) Focus on One Issue – Anti-Nukes

People are not allowed to talk about other issues during the Friday Night Protest. They have to focus on one issue – Anti-Nukes. Therefore, anyone from any political parties including LDP, organizations, ideologies, and more can join as long as they have same view on a nuclear energy and focus on this issue.

(18:40~) Relationship with Police

They said like Anpo 70s, if they use violences police will react to it with violences. So to continue with this movement, they need to stay away from using a violence. They believe that we learned from Anpo 70s that violence cannot change anything.

(27:00~) Do You Consider Yourself as an Activist?

A consider himself as an active citizen. He thinks there is no more distinctions between activists and regular citizens like in Anpo 70s, but he thinks there is an active citizens and a citizen.

MU

Interviewees (with permissions)

Yoshimoto Tsuji

Interview Summary of Yoshimoto Tsuji , a member of 総がかり行動実行委員会 (against constitutional revision/wants to keep the article 9) 

General Info about the protest he participates in:

When we talked to Yoshimoto Tsuji, he was participating in 国会前ピースアクション (the front of the National Diet Building Peace Action). It is a protest against constitutional revision and to keep the Article 9. This peace action started 4 years ago and when the 2015 Japanese military legislation (安保法制)was passed, they decided to continue on their work until it is abolished. They protest every Friday morning from AM10:30 to AM11:30. However some people come early if they can and some stay little after (maybe until 1PM) if there are students still coming out from the National Diet Building. They are not a part of certain organizations. People with the same goals are gathering there and protesting together. Anyone who is concerned about this topic can participate. Manami Takasu, a person who came up with a movement, The Nobel Peace Prize for Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution (憲法9条にノーベル平和賞を), was also there. The Nobel Peace Prize for Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution is a social movement whose aim is to push for the Nobel Peace Prize to be awarded to the citizens of Japan for maintaining the Article 9. She is a member of Mama no Kai. Mama no kai’s catch phrase is to not let kill anyone’s children; therefore, they say left or right doesn’t matter for this issue so that everyone from left wing to right wing participates, which is very similar to the Friday Night Protest. Also, there were more people at this protest before, but many left for different reasons (job hunting, marriage, etc), which is also similar to the Friday Night Protest.

the front of the National Diet Building Peace Action

Target/Why Kasumigaseki? 

Tsuji told us they decided to do it at this specific place (the front of the National Diet Building), because it is where a lot of 5th and 6th graders, who visited the National Diet Building for their school field trip, come out from the building. And the protest is toward those 5th graders and 6th graders. According to Tsuji, majority of 18 years old and 19 years old vote for LDP (he said it is because of their lack of knowledge), and the protestors do not want younger generations to vote for LDP because of their lack of knowledge. In about few years, those 5th graders and 6th graders will be able to vote and when they think about who they should vote for, Tsuji want them to remember what he was saying at the front of the Diet Building. Their actions are not something that can bring changes right away, but they are still doing it for the future. Also, since the their action is mostly toward the 5th graders and 6th graders, they try their best to use appropriate languages for 5th and 6th graders. For example, they will never say “安倍やめろ” (Abe should resign). Instead, they would say “let’s protect the Constitution” and they wave hands and make noises with a tambourine.

5th graders coming out from the National Diet Building

Relationship with Police

Most police let them put a banner on the tree, but sometimes a police tells them to take it down.When a police tells them to take it down, Tsuji tells them others let them do it in a friendly manner, because he does not want to get in a fight with a police. He wants to keep a good relationship with police like Redwolf/ check this page: https://kasumigasekiprotest.wordpress.com/2019/01/25/misao-redwolf/

Mr. Tsuji during Anpo 70s

Tsuji also participated in Anpo 70s. He was a college student during that time. He said TV news only showed radical groups such as 新左翼 (the New Left). He was not a part of radical groups. Instead of taking violent actions, he took non violent actions such as speaking up during protests or holding hands with others and march down the street. He thinks not everyone was so violent back then. However, he also believes there were less restrictions on protests back then. He wants those people who participated in Anpo 70s to participate in protests again. However, since old people do not use SNS, it is hard for him to spread information and stay in contact with people who participated in Anpo 60s and 70s. He did not participate in any protests until he retired from his work, because he did not have time even during weekends.

Other information

Tsuji is a part of couple different organizations including 子供と教育9条の会 which is almost all female members. The female members of 子供と教育9条の会 felt they need a guy when they protest, because they tend to face some difficulties when there is no male participant; therefore they asked him to join. ← same as what the comfort women group said/ check this page:  https://kasumigasekiprotest.wordpress.com/2019/01/25/small-interviews/

MU

interviewed on November 30th

Satoshi Haruhashi

Interview Summary of Satoshi Haruhashi, a blogger, a salary man, and an Anti-Nukes protestor at the Friday Night Protest. He was once interviewed by a freelance writer, Chia Yoshida,  about the nuclear accident in Fukushima. The article is here.

Two Reasons Why He Participates in the Friday Night Protest

Satoshi Haruhashi said he has two reasons why he participates in the Friday Night Protest. The first reason is as a consumer of the nuclear energy, he believes we, the consumers, have a responsibility to stop the nuclear energy for the victims (people of Fukushima). The second reason is as a citizen of Japan, he believes we should have prevented the nuclear accident.

Why Kasumigaseki?

He believes that Kasumigaseki is where everything is decided by both the Diet members and bureaucrats, which has a symbolic meaning to him. Also, it will be easy for him to attend the protest after attending the committee sessions. He writes a summary for each committee sessions he attended and posts them on his blog to inform everyone. He believes people cannot just learn everything from the newspaper and he thinks it is necessary to attend the committee sessions to actually understand what is going on. To attend the committee session, he needs a politician as a sponsor. He met a member of the Diet at the Friday Night Protest and stayed in contact with the politician; therefore, he gained access to the committee sessions. According to Haruhashi’s experience, there are a lot of politicians attending and supporting this protest. His first time attending the Friday Night Protest was in 2012. On that day, people were asking if there is anyone* who wants to give a speech and he raised his hand and that was when he started actively participate in this protest.

*anyone can give a speech at the Friday Night Protest

MU

One of the participants giving a speech
Interviewed on November 30th

Misao Redwolf

Interview Summary of Misao Redwolf, an illustrator and a leader of 首都圏反原発連合 (Metropolitan Coalition Against Nukes). 

(interview (1) 02:45~)General Information about 首都圏反原発連合 (Metropolitan Coalition Against Nukes)

Misao Redwolf was already working on Anti-Nukes movement back in 2006. However, Misao Redwolf and a guy started Metropolitan Coalition Against Nukes after the 3.11 nuclear accident; however, Redwolf eventually took over the organization as the other guy left. This organization leads and organizes the Friday Night Protest. The atmosphere of the organization has changed since the origin and became much more calm and peaceful compared to where it all started when the people’s anger and the interest towards the issue were bigger. To make sure the Friday Night Protest is safe and organized, Metropolitan Coalition Against Nukes formed a rule and announces before the Friday Night Protest starts. This is because in 2012, when the organization just started, Redwolf saw few groups trying to break into the Diet building. She was concerned about the social view on protests in general. Also, she did not want some participants to have fearful experiences, which might make people think protest is something violent. She used a speaker to stop those radical groups from breaking in. She values a non violent protest and part of that has to do with Japanese culture/society of being calm and subtle, unlike Taiwan where activists are much more active.  She thinks part of this has to do with Japanese population being relatively well off compared to some third nation world or neighboring countries where people are much more hungry towards the change. They distributes pamphlets and flyers with a list of rules to follow in order to participate in the Friday Night Protest. Also, they distributes signs to hold for free. This non-violent protest in Kasumigaseki is followed by other groups such as 総がかり行動実行委員会 (against constitutional revision/wants to keep the article 9) and SEALDs.She believes Metropolitan Coalition Against Nukes’ protest shaped the way of protesting in Kasumigaseki today.

(interview (1) 15:25~) Metropolitan Coalition Against Nukes’s rules for protest participants to follow:

  • Do not take a violent action
  • Do not distribute flyers during the protest
  • Do not distribute flyers without permission from Metropolitan Coalition Against Nukes  (because if it allows them, people from other organizations will come and distributes unrelated flyers/we met one of those people, check here. )
  • And there are more!
A flyer we received

(interview (1) 09:12~) Relationship with other groups

Redwolf talked about a difficult relationship with Labor Union: Communist Unions and Liberal (socialist) Unions, 新興宗教 (New Religious Movement), 革マル派 KakuMaru-Ha, and 中核派 Chūkaku-ha. There are more conflicts with radical groups than the government.

(interview (1) 20:20~) Authority vs Protestors
Redwolf explained how she build a good relationship with police.

(interview (1) 29:30~) 高円寺 Koenji vs 霞ヶ関 Kasumigaseki

Redwolf explained the differences between protests in Koenji and Kasumigaseki.

(32:30~) Goals and Aims 

Her goal is to continue holding a protest every week. Her aim is to provide a space and platform to hold a protest at front of the Kasumigaseki. She thinks that if the protest stops for more than a month for example, it will be much harder for someone to restart a protest. Police might not be as considerate as right now if there is a space between the next protest and people in charge changes. Because the protest is held every week and it is well organized, she feels Kasumigaseki is becoming the place where anyone can protest without much initialization and effort to provoke something.

(interview (1) 33:20~) Why Kasumigaseki

Redwolf explained they gather around the Diet building, because there are a lot of other government official buildings too and not only politicians, but the bureaucrats also care about them. People became aware of there is something going on at Kasumigaseki and slowly became an iconic spot for protesters to gather.

(interview (2) 00:00~) SEALDs

Redwolf did help out SEALDs. However, she does not think SEALDs was very influential for protesters. It was more about media coverage as the number of students was not that many compared to older people who were not on camera.  While she does appreciate the influence of SEALDs on young people, she thinks they were overrated in terms of influence on protesting.

(interview (2) 17:00~) Relationship with Politicians

Redwolf has a connection with former Prime Minister Naoto Kan. Some politicians support them. Sometimes they come out from the building and give a speech for them during the Friday Night Protest.

(interview (2) 23:00~) Redwolf’s contributions

She explained how she won a trust from police. For example, she gained trust from police by always ending the protest on time (8PM). She also explained how she expand what they can do during the protest. For example, they hold a live show one time and they did not get into a trouble; therefore, since then they were able to make a loud noises.

MU


Interviewed on December 26th

Notes: Misao Redwolf Interview

*Below is our initial Notes after listening to the interview. Some contents overlap with the summary above.

Origins/ Early protests

  • Not Demo but protest
  • Demo = moving across the location (Parade) , Protest = not moving across the location
  • No Nukes from 2006 but after 2011, nonactivists started demo as well
  • 2011 Sep, gathered nonactivists and 12ish different activist groups to do bigger protest/demo ➡️ 連合 Rengo, or the coalition.
  • Late 2011 every Nuclear power plants were not operating after the incident. Govern was holding operating tests to restart the power plants (here she goes on and explains details on political situation back then which is not 100% related to our topic so I will cut it for this summary).
  • Redwolf’s coalition started a protest in front of the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry regarding this issue. 100~200 people attended. They called for No restart for Nuclear and purpose was to shout them with a big number of people so the ministry members can literally hear them.
  • 総がかり(So Gakari) and SEALS followed Redwolf’s union and started protests and demo around Kasumigaseki.

About the Coalition

  • Redwolf and one other guy started the group, however Redwolf eventually took over as the other guy quit.
  • The atmosphere of the group has changed since the origin and became much more calm and peaceful compared to where it all started when the people’s anger and the interest towards the issue were bigger.
  • Some of her comments are just a brief explanation of the group and this is available online.

Relationship and Involvement with/on other groups

  • Labor Union: Communist Unions and Liberal (socialist) Unions
  • Communist Unions and Liberal Unions had a rough relationship regard political disagreement. Refwolf mediated them to unite the unions for the protest and collaborate with the Non-Poli. This was the early form of 総がかり実行委員会 (the anti-war policy groups we encountered previously). ➡️ 三舎合同, Three Unions
  • 無党派市民層 (Non-Political Citizens)
  • Unions had more regulated rules and systems that didn’t allow them to involve in Kasumigaseki Protest (this is because due to the unions’ management, they were required to inform “mobility” of the people, which means they had to be certain of how many people were involved in certain activities in certain locations in order to remain the control of union). Refwolf convinced and eased this system for this occasion and Unions were more proactive towards Kasumigaseki protest.
  • 新興宗教 (New Religious Movement)
  • When a protest is popular, religious groups tries to take advantage of the population and starts spreading their pamphlet, gives speech, etc. to attract the protesters to their religion.  She says these people are one of the hardest groups deal with as they do not always listen or follow general trend and rules among protesters and sometimes even calls for divine “Punishment” when she tries to stop them from spreading the religions.
  • 革マル派 KakuMaru-Ha https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Japan_Revolutionary_Communist_League_(Revolutionary_Marxist_Faction)

Tends to be much more aggressive and extremely political according to her. Another group that tends to disturb the “rules” and “order” of protests.

Another radical group she has a hard time dealing with.

  • In the 2012 Demo, a bunch of radical groups,  probably from above two groups, tried to break into diet building. The stuff of her came and reported that people started to 決壊(Kekkai or Outburst: a word used by protesters to describe the state where people gets disarranged and starts to move out to roadway and restricted areas).  She saw few groups trying to break into diet building. She was concerned about the social view on protest and demo in general and did not want some participants to have fearful experience thinking protest is something violence. She used the speaker to stop those radical groups from breaking in.  She values non violent protest and part of that has to do with Japanese culture/society of being calm and subtle, unlike Taiwan where activists are much more active. She thinks part of this has to do with Japanese population being relatively well off compared to some third nation world or neighboring countries where people are much more hungry towards the change.

Authority vs Protest

  • The location around Kasumigaseki has a law to limit activities that emit a certain level of noise (we will look this up in detail). It took her some time to figure out if they could be any protest without getting shut by the government and police. She eventually figured out after some ranting/chanting section and organizing protest music bands, that there is a certain level of noise that government would just permit and let go. She did not want to break this middle ground she established with authority.  
  • Around 2012~2013, in order for the protests and demos to take place, she often consulted with Kojimachi Police station to notify and propose the movement of Demos. This way not only she acquired acknowledgment and permission from the police, but she also gained long-term trust from them.  Although the large protests and demos are usually watched by riot police that are mobilized in the rotation and thus not aware of Redwolf’s proposal to the police office and can be troublesome, in general her organizations are much more favored by leftist or rightist groups who are much more hostile towards police. Police officers even provide her a coffee when she visits the office.
  • She has a personal connection and trust relationship with Kojimachi Station. Kojimachi station is one of the key stations (due to the important landmarks such as the Palace) so the officers are usually elites. She gives a story where manager officer Ikeda once asked her to become a police officer.
  • 公安警察 Koan Police (Public security bureau)

They have a  magazine they release for themselves and in one of the vol of the magazine they wrote an article on the difference between the radical leftist and Redwolf’s coalition. Although she does not favor Koan so much, she thinks the description of her group was spot on.

  • Due to the top-down nature of the police department, she thinks there is no 100% trust from the police. However, in the field of Koenji or Kasumigaseki, she believes she has a good trust relationship with local police officers and Koan.
  • Some leftists groups criticize her group for establishing relationship with authority

高円寺 Koenji vs 霞ヶ関 Kasumigaseki

  • Started from Hajime Matsumoto 素人の乱 (Recycle Shop)
  • Lead by leftist artists and focus was much more on anarchism and subculture.
  • Much more creative and festive rather than political compared to protests. It was entertainment based. The focus was on anarchism and independence rather than politics and message towards politician.
  • Kasumigaseki is all about sending the message to the politicians. No entertainment. Costumes are not allowed to show the seriousness.

Goal and Aims

  • The concern with Abe politics.
  • Her aim focuses on stopping the Nuclear Power Plants.
  • Even the SEALS couldn’t really affect Abe governments.
  • The audience is both politicians, citizens and media.
  • Some politician has a direct relationship with some protesters. Some came to see disguising as a runner pretending to be running around Emperor’s Palace.
  • Her goal is to hold a protest every week with continuity. Her aim is to provide a space and platform to hold a protest in front of the Kasumigaseki. She thinks that if the protest stops for more than a month for example, it will be much harder for someone to restart protest. Govt and Police might not be as considerate as right now if there was space between next protest and people in charge changes. Because it is every week, because it is well organized, she feels Kasumigaseki is becoming this place anyone can protest without much initialization and effort to provoke something.
  • She has an issue with old leftist (eg. protesters from 70s anpo, 革マル, 中核) as they try to commit more violent actions and anti-authority actions. She also does not permit any groups from spreading pamphlet as it caused a certain problem in the past. However, these groups do not follow that type of “rules” claiming it is their freedom of speech. She is frustrated with these people who disturb “order” and “rules” her community and people in Kasumigaseki has created.
  • Some radical groups tries to steal hegemony from her groups by disturbing the protest. She often gets death threats and negative online comments. ⅓ of her activities are basically dealing with troubles caused by other groups. She feels her trouble has to do more with other radical groups rather than authority.
  • ネトウヨ, Neto-Uyo, (Online rightist)
  • Hegemony: The impression and sense of being the leading position for Anti Nuke activities

Why Kasumigaseki

  • Gathered around diet building because of govn buildings.
  • People became aware that there is something going on at Kasumigaseki and slowly became this iconic spot for protesters to gather.

SEALS

  • The fact that they are students became very catchy for the media.
  • Okura used that as a weapon to become an influence.
  • She thinks it was a one-time thing because it was media explosion rather than a strong influence on protesters. As the number of protesters continues to decrease as the time passes, media coverage disappeared.
  • She doesn’t think SEALS were very influential for protesters. It was more about media coverage as the number of students was not that many compared to older people who were not on camera.  While she does appreciate the influence of SEALS on young people, she thinks they are overrated in terms of influence on protesting.

Koan Police

  • Koan has a list of “marked” groups and people.
  • Some Koan takes picture of protesters and participants.
  • They usually have regular clothes on, but carries small notes with them.
  • Redwolf says she can “smell” them out because of her experience.  (she can tell radical groups as well)
  • There is no trust relationship with Koan, however, she thinks they are categorizing her group harmless.

Other groups

  • Some participants get scouted by radical groups and involve in troubles. She made protesting rules, such as no pamphlet rules, to protect participants from those groups.
  • More participants mean more radical groups that attending to attract those population.
  • Religious groups distribute the pamphlet to spread their religion.
  • These religious groups claim only God (Budha) can stop the nukes and does not listen to them. Again they even call for divine punishment when trying to remove them. Sometimes her group and other participants have to physically push them out in order to remove them from the location.
  • Now participants are well aware of most of these groups so there is less trouble.

Targets (How to improve protest)

  • Govt generally ignores protests. There are more of Protester vs radical groups rather than Protesters vs Gov’t.
  • There are some inside issues as well.
  • This is partial reason people get tired of protesting.
  • Way to improving protests depends on which issue you are covering.
  • However, she thinks her target is again continuity.
  • She has a connection with politicians and scholars. Some politician gives a speech in the protest (They literally walks out from diet building and joins protest).
  • She is closest with Former PM Naoto Kan.
  • Some protesters are against politician involvement, but she thinks it’s important to have this bypass with the govt to make the protest more legitimate. She thinks the relationship with diet is important although old leftists disagree with her.
  • She believes that the aim of protest should not be the communal affection and comfort but rather practical influence and connection between govn and people.
  • Unlike the old days (like 70s Anpo) where protests and demos were much more explosive and aggressive, a modern protest should be stable and continuous. It is more suitable for the current social trend and Japanese culture.
  • Her group’s job is to manage and organize the platform of protest rather than becoming leading protest groups. Activities should be individual driven and every participants and groups should have their own ways and means to protest.
  • Because of her group’s management,  Police allow any groups activities under her control in Kasumigaseki. This is the goal and contribution she made to the demos in Kasumigaseki.
  • She thinks this is the most suitable way to hold a protest in Japan considering people’s social character.

C.R.

History of Post-War Protest in Japan

Campaign Against the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty    (安保闘争/Anpo Protest)

→60年安保 (Anpo 60s)

May 20th, 1960: The Shinsuke Kishi Liberal Democratic Party cabinet overcame the Socialist Party, the Communist Party against the ratification of Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security Between the United States and Japan by steamrolling (日米安保条約改定). The opposition movement for the steamrolling became active even outside of the Diet and an intense demonstration was repeated. This is how 安保闘争(campaign against the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty/Anpo Protest) started.

Anpo 60s at the front of the National Diet Building  (共同通信)

June 15th, 1960: Michiko Kanba, a student of the University of Tokyo, died in clashes between demonstrators and police at the South Gate of the National Diet Building in Kasumigaseki (日米安保条約改定). Also a large number of people were injured.This event describes an aggressive atmosphere of protest in post-war Japan, which  draws a contrast to the current state of protesters and their organized manner in the anti-government activity. The death of Kanba Michiko evokes trauma to both protesters and authority that is obligated to oppress and shut the aggressive protesting activities leading to the current state, which we have found in field work, where both police and protestors are mutually agreeing on creating the peaceful and organized environment in the act of protest.

June 19th, 1960: The treaty was concluded, but the Eisenhower’s visit to Japan was cancelled because of the opposition movement and the Cabinet resigned after the treaty was concluded (日米安保条約改定).

This opposition movement was not only held by the Socialist Party, the Communist Party and the existing reformist party, but also labor unions,students,other people including housewives participated in the movement. Demonstrators surrounded the Diet building day after day and enlarged it in an unprecedented scale.

→70年安保 (Anpo 70s)

The security treaty expires after 10 years; therefore, people started protests to prevent the renewal of the security treaty. “70 security treaty crush” was developed as a slogan and demonstrations were held nationwide, mostly by students (Oguma).

October 1967: A small group of activists clashed with police near Tokyo’s Haneda Airport to prevent Prime Minister Sato Eisaku from traveling to South Vietnam (Oguma). Students were wearing “plastic construction helmets and a gewalt stick,” which was the style of the protest during those days. At the protest, one student activist was killed.

June 1968:  Students at the University of Tokyo and Nihon University with approximately one-tenth of Japan’s total university student population, established Zenkyoto (“All-Campus Joint Struggle Councils”). They were wearing “plastic construction helmets and a gewalt stick,” and they seized and barricaded their campuses against police intrusion (Oguma). They through rocks and flammable grenade. Zenkyoto was independent from the other organizations and open to any willing participants, regardless of ideological affiliation. The barricaded universities were declared “liberated zones,” and the image of students resisting police in the name of greater academic and personal freedom were spread through media. This event is called “Zenkyoto movement” which campus occupations continued from mid-1968 through early 1969.

University of Tokyo during Zenkyoto movement (Oguma)
“plastic construction helmets and a gewalt stick” style (Oguma)

June 1970: The student movements was almost entirely suppressed by the police. The Security Treaty was renewed.

Because it was unable to prevent the renewal of the security treaty and it caused deaths and injuries, people were discouraged and the number of the civic participation of the political movement declined and young people lost their interest in politics. Probably, it was the end of aggressive protests in Japan.

Koenji Demonstrations

Koenji demonstrations were started by Hajime Matsumoto, an owner of  素人の乱 (Recycle Shop). He was born in 1974, after Anpo Protest; therefore, his activities are totally different from Anpo (松本). The shape of demonstration changed.

2005: Hajime Matsumoto opened his recycle shop 素人の乱(shirouto no ran) and he started to organize demonstrations in Koenji such as “give me back my bike,” “against PSE law,” “make house rent free,” and more.

This is the one of 素人の乱 demonstrations (素人の乱)

According to Misao Redwolf, it was led by leftist artists and focus was much more on anarchism and subculture. Demonstrations were much more creative and festive rather than political compared to protests in the past. It was entertainment based. The focus was on anarchism and independence rather than politics and message towards politician.

Anti-Nukes

On March 11, 2011, The Great East Japan Earthquake occured. A 15-metre tsunami disabled the power supply and cooling of three Fukushima Daiichi reactors, which caused a nuclear accident (Fukushima Daiichi Accident).

11 March, 2011:

  • 14:46 The Great East Japan Earthquake occurred.
  • 15:42 TEPCO made the first emergency report to the government.
  • 19:03 The government announced nuclear emergency.
  • 20:50 The Fukushima Prefecture Office ordered 2km radius evacuation.
  • 21:23 The government ordered 3km evacuation and to keep staying inside buildings in the area of 3-10km radius.
  • 05:44 The government ordered 10km radius evacuation.
  • 18:25 The government ordered 20km evacuation.

(Fukushima Daiichi Accident)

21 April, 2011: The government set the 20km radius no-go area.

This map shows how the nuclear accident ruined people’s everyday life 
(Fukushima Daiichi Accident)

And to this day, there are still a lot of people who cannot go back to their houses, because everything is contaminated including house, water, plants, and etc, which can cause health problems such as cancers due to radiation exposure.

This accident made people rethink of using a nuclear energy, and right after the accident, the protest against nuclear energy started everywhere in Japan by the wide range of people.

September 2011:Metropolitan Coalition Against Nukes was formed with groups and individuals who want to see a safer and brighter future for Japan, by terminating the use of nuclear power energy (首都圏反原発連合とは). They actively organize peaceful marches, rallies and other public events spreading information about why the nuclear power industry must be stopped.

11 September 2011: According to Misao Redwolf, protests in Kasumigaseki were at first, held in the front of Ministry of Economy Trade and Industry by Metropolitan Coalition Against Nukes to ask them to eliminate the Nuclear Power Plant. About 100~200 people participated. People were protesting peacefully, nothing aggressive.

19 March 2012: The first “官邸前抗議”(protest in the front of the Prime Minister’s official residence) was held. The protest location changed to the Prime Minister’s official residence, because the Ohi nuclear power plant machine test was passed in the ministry and now the decision of whether to re-operate the machine was about to be made in the Prime Minister’s official residence by the Cabinet members. The protest was specifically against the restart of the Ohi nuclear power plant; therefore, they shouted toward the building, so that the Cabinet members can hear, but nothing more than shouting (Redwolf).

Photo taken by us

This “官邸前抗議” continues  to this day. It is held every Friday night at the front of the Prime Minister’s office and the Diet Building. Metropolitan Coalition Against Nukes have shaped the current style of protest.

SEALDs

March 2015: SEALDs (Students Emergency Action for Liberal Democracy ) were organized to protest against Prime Minister Abe’s efforts to pass the State Secrecy Acts, the “reinterpretation” of Article 9 of the Constitutions and the Security Bills (Slater).

Metropolitan Coalition Against Nukes paved the way for SEALDs.

July 2015: SEALDs started to hold its demonstrations in Kasumigaseki every Friday nights.  The anti-nuke demonstrations were held in front of the Prime Minister’s Residence while SEALDs assemble at the front of the National Diet Building. Metropolitan Coalition Against Nukes’ experience of protesting every week in Kasumigaseki for four years taught people that they can hold a protest in Kasumigaseki, the center of state power as long as if it is peaceful (Slater).

(Webronza 朝日新聞デジタル)

The style of protests changed over time, and the Metropolitan Coalition Against Nukes continues to shape and iterate upon the culture of protest.

MU